2024 Election: Why the Controversial Nominations of Lee Jin-sook and Kim Tae-kyu Are Stirring Up Political Storms in South Korea

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The People Power Party granted uncontested nominations to former Korea Communications Commission (KCC) Chair Lee Jin-sook and former KCC Vice Chair Kim Tae-gyu. Lee drew criticism for saying, “I can’t comment; the matter is under investigation,” while Kim has described the declaration of martial law as an executive act. Media outlets reacted sharply, calling the nominations “a deserved voter rebuke for an arrogant party” and “a shameless act that deceives the public.”

On the 1st, the People Power Party announced it had awarded Lee a single-candidate nomination in Daegu’s Dalseong-gun and Kim a single-candidate nomination in Ulsan Nam-gap. The party also nominated Park Jong-jin, head of its Incheon city branch, in Incheon Yeonsu-gap, and former lawmaker Lee Yong in Gyeonggi’s Hanam-gap. Former presidential chief of staff Jeong Jin-seok applied for a nomination as well. Both Lee and Kim served as presidential appointees in the Yoon administration, occupying the KCC chair and vice chair posts and overseeing what courts later found to be an unlawful two-person decision-making process.

On July 31, 2024, Lee and Kim, on their first day back in office, initiated the formalization of that unlawful two-person structure by appointing directors to the Korea Broadcasting Culture Promotion Foundation, the major shareholder of KBS and MBC. Courts subsequently ruled that many decisions made under the two-person arrangement — including appointments of KBS auditors and the EBS president — were illegal.

On April 4, the Hankook Ilbo editorial, titled “People Power’s Nominations Ignore Reform and Deliver ‘Yoon Again,’” argued: “The Lee–Kim two-person KCC ignored the five-member consensus system when it approved appointments to the Korea Broadcasting Culture Promotion Foundation, KBS directors, and the EBS president. Courts have judged the two-person KCC decisions illegal and are nullifying them one after another. Lee served as a close aide during Yoon Suk Yeol’s transition.” The editorial added: “Those who should feel responsible for the Yoon administration’s failures and show restraint are seeking office with no apparent reflection, and the People Power Party has welcomed them. Voters will find that hard to accept. It’s equally awkward that Jeong Jin-seok, Yoon’s last chief of staff, has declared his candidacy in the Chungnam Gongju–Buyeo–Cheongyang by-election.”

The editorial continued: “Support for the People Power Party collapsed under Jang Dong-hyeok’s leadership. The narrative for these local elections has shifted from being a referendum on the Lee Jae-myung administration to a judgment on Jang Dong-hyeok. When Park Deok-heum, the party’s nominations chair, responded at a briefing that he didn’t know who ‘Yoon Again’ referred to — ‘Isn’t everyone connected to the former president?’ — he showed contempt for voters. The only remedy left for an arrogant party that can’t shake off ‘Yoon Again’ is the whip of voter sentiment. Will they only wake up when that happens?”

The Kyunghyang Shinmun’s April 4 editorial, “One Month Before Local Elections, Heed Public Warnings on Dropped Prosecutions and ‘Yoon Again,’” criticized the Democratic Party for provoking controversy with a special prosecutor probe into alleged fabricated charges, but it reserved harsher words for the People Power Party: “The party has nominated a string of ‘Yoon Again’ figures for local and parliamentary by-elections. Adding Jeong Jin-seok — who served as Yoon’s chief of staff during the Dec. 3 incident — only stoked the controversy. No wonder Chungnam governor candidate Kim Tae-hum said he would leave the party and run as an independent, calling the nominations ‘unrepentant behavior.’ Nominating figures who undermined constitutional order and asking for votes is a shameless deception of the public.”

Within the People Power Party, opposition to Jeong Jin-seok’s nomination has grown since he applied for the Chungnam Gongju–Buyeo–Cheongyang by-election slot. The Daejeon Ilbo’s editorial, “Party Nominations Committee Scrambles to Contain Controversy Over Jeong Jin-seok,” noted that Kim Tae-hum signaled on social media on the 2nd that if Jeong’s nomination materialized, he would consider leaving the party and running as an independent. Park Deok-heum then posted on Facebook on the 3rd that party leaders would not take actions contrary to the will of the people and party members.”

The Daejeon Ilbo added: “Jeong faces two hurdles to run in the by-election: his reinstatement to the party must be approved, and he must then win the party’s nomination. Nothing is decided yet. The party’s ethics committee planned a closed meeting on the 2nd to discuss Jeong’s nomination and his reinstatement request, but the meeting was postponed. If reinstatement fails, Jeong may drop his bid. If he insists on running, the independent route remains open.”

The paper warned that even if the party bars Jeong from its ticket, it would be difficult to prevent him from running as an independent. That could split the conservative vote and advantage the Democratic Party candidate, complicating the electoral map in the Chungcheong region — a serious dilemma for the People Power Party.

The Daegu Ilbo, in an editorial titled “Don’t Assume They’re Yoon’s People — That’s Not Desirable,” argued that politicians who were close to former President Yoon may appear to be his people regardless of their private views. It added that, because Yoon remains a criminal suspect and has not exhausted appeals through the courts, those who were close to him in the power structure should not automatically suffer disadvantages based solely on past ties.

The Daegu Ilbo continued: “Some outlets report that the People Power Party’s selections — such as nominating Lee Jin-sook in Daegu Dalseong-gun and other former Yoon administration figures — amount to a roll call of pro-Yoon appointees. That has led some inside and outside the party to worry the party will be trapped again by the ‘Yoon Again’ frame and that it could drag down the entire local election. But branding these nominees ‘pro-Yoon’ and predicting negative effects may reflect specific media viewpoints. Whether such labeling actually harms them will be revealed by election results. For example, Lee Jin-sook, the party’s nominee in Daegu Dalseong-gun, topped polls during the preliminary period among prospective Daegu mayoral candidates, which suggests she hasn’t necessarily suffered from a ‘Yoon Again’ backlash. Other candidates labeled pro-Yoon show different levels of support across regions, so you cannot conclusively say the label cost them votes.”

Lee returned to her post in January last year after the Constitutional Court rejected her impeachment. In the KCC press room she told reporters, “The Dec. 3 insurrection charge may have to reach the Supreme Court for a final ruling. I don’t think the press should write as if it’s already decided at the reporting stage. I wanted to say that not as KCC chair but as a senior speaking to juniors.”

When asked in December 2024 at a plenary session of the National Assembly’s Science, ICT, Broadcasting and Communications Committee about his stance on the Dec. 3 martial law, Kim replied, “It doesn’t seem appropriate for me to comment. That matter is under investigation and is being discussed in the Assembly. It would be inappropriate for me to state my personal opinion.” Later, at a press conference on Dec. 30, 2025, marking his inauguration as head of the People Power Party’s Ulsan Nam-gap branch, he said, “Declaring martial law is a presidential act of governance, so a hasty apology is not appropriate.”

[관련 기사 : “When Asked About Martial Law That Violated Press Freedom, Kim Tae-gyu Said, ‘I Cannot Answer’”]
[관련 기사 : “Lee Jin-sook, Back in Office, Urged the Press: ‘Don’t Report as If the Insurrection Were Confirmed’”]