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(The CEN News / Reporter Chu Jaeyeon) North Korea used the 9th Party Congress to set the course for a \”Kim Jong Un 2.0\” era and carried out a broad institutional overhaul. The regime appears to be discarding the inherited rhetoric of unification and national solidarity to build a political fortress aimed at cementing four generations of Kim family rule. Through the analysis of North Korea expert Dr. Lee Young-jong, we examine how the country’s power map was reorganized after the 9th Party Congress.
The congress’ core move was to enshrine the doctrine of two hostile states in the constitution. Chairman Kim Jong Un removed the concepts of \”the nation\” and \”unification\” that had appeared in party documents since Kim Il Sung’s era. Analysts interpret this as reframing South Korea not as compatriots but as the principal enemy, giving Pyongyang a legal and rhetorical pretext for military provocations while underscoring its claim to independent sovereignty.
The delegates also deleted idealized socialist welfare provisions. For years, North Korean propaganda touted free healthcare and a tax-free society, but in practice the health system has collapsed to the point that patients must buy medicines and syringes at informal markets. The constitutional revision strips away that fiction and signals an attempt to present North Korea as a \”normal\” state. Observers say this both acknowledges the regime’s failure to guarantee citizens’ welfare and provides a rationale for tighter internal control under the banners of law and national defense.
Kim Yo-jong, once dubbed the \”Baekdu Princess\” and long seen as exercising real power behind the scenes, has seen her prominence shift. State media and staged photographs increasingly place Kim Ju-ae at the center while pushing Kim Yo-jong toward the margins — a recurring \”corner princess\” staging.
Dr. Lee notes that Kim Yo-jong may be lowering her profile to avoid a purge, but he warns this trend also signals the regime’s consolidation around Kim Ju-ae as the new focal point. The risk remains, however. Kim Yo-jong’s capabilities are recognized inside North Korea — Kim Jong Il reportedly said he would have handed power to her if she had been a man. If Kim Jong Un’s position or health were to deteriorate suddenly, Kim Yo-jong, who has children of similar ages to Kim Ju-ae, could rapidly reemerge as a formidable rival threatening her niece’s claim.
Four-generation succession draws skepticism even among fellow communist states. Marxist theory criticizes dynastic succession as a feature of capitalism, and documents from Kim Il Sung’s era expressed negative views on hereditary rule. Russia has been cautious in criticizing the succession because it has relied on North Korean logistics and reportedly received military assistance in operations such as the recapture of Kursk during the Ukraine war. China’s stance, by contrast, has been markedly colder. Dr. Lee’s sources say that when Kim Ju-ae recently visited China, she remained at her lodging and received no formal courtesies from President Xi. From Beijing’s perspective, North Korea’s archaic succession undermines China’s image as a model of a \”normal\” socialist state.
Against this domestic and international backdrop, Dr. Lee warns that Kim Jong Un may resort to limited, local provocations — such as shelling Yeonpyeong Island — to consolidate his succession. He argues Pyongyang has gained combat experience through deployments connected to Russia and faces a domestic need to rally support. That said, an all‑out war appears unlikely. North Korea has become more cautious after observing leadership turmoil in Iran and recognizes South Korea’s overwhelming precision-strike capabilities, including the Hyunmoo missile. Aware of the technological gap, Kim Jong Un is likely to favor calibrated provocations that demonstrate his strength and bolster his heir’s standing rather than risk a full-scale conflict.
(The CEN News) Reporter Chu Jaeyeon luckychoo0617@naver.com
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